宋 Song · 文 Prose
六国论
On the Six States: A Discourse
六国破灭,非兵不利,战不善,弊在赂秦。
赂秦而力亏,破灭之道也。
或曰:六国互丧,率赂秦耶?
曰:不赂者以赂者丧。
盖失强援,不能独完。
故曰弊在赂秦也。
To bribe Qin drained their strength away — that is the road to destruction.
Someone may object: The six states fell one after another — did they all bribe Qin?
The answer is: those that did not bribe Qin perished because of those that did. For, having lost their strong allies, they could not survive on their own. Hence I say: the flaw lay in their bribing Qin.
Meaning
In the opening section of his famous historical discourse, Su Xun states his thesis and defends it. The six states did not fall because their swords were poor or their generals incompetent; they fell because they bought peace from Qin with land. And those states that refused to bribe still died — not from Qin's arms directly, but because the bribing states' collapse destroyed the alliance that might have saved them.
六国的灭亡,并不是因为武器不锋利、仗打得不好,弊病在于拿土地去贿赂秦国。贿赂秦国,自己的实力就亏损,这正是走向灭亡的道路。有人会问:六国一个接一个地灭亡,全都是因为贿赂秦国吗?回答说:不贿赂的国家,是因为贿赂的国家而灭亡的。(它们)失去了强大的外援,就不能独自保全。所以说,弊病在于贿赂秦国。
Appreciation
[Plain Paraphrase] The essay opens by sweeping aside two easy explanations — bad weapons, bad generals — and plants the thesis in four words: the flaw lay in bribing Qin. It then explains the mechanism (bribing drains strength), anticipates the obvious objection (but not all six bribed Qin), and answers it (the non-bribers died because the bribers' collapse destroyed the mutual defense), closing by restating the thesis. [Structure] The movement is classic argumentative prose: thesis, proof, anticipated objection, reply, restated thesis. The 'someone may object' passage is the engine of the whole — it is what turns a slogan into a proof. [Imagery] Though the essay is pure argument, its four-word sentences ('dull weapons,' 'ill-fought battles,' 'drained strength,' 'fell one after another,' 'survive on their own') give it the compression of epigram, and the repeated final 'hence I say: the flaw lay in bribing Qin' closes the ring.
【白话串讲】 苏洵写《六国论》:“六国破灭,非兵不利,战不善,弊在赂秦”。“赂秦而力亏,破灭之道也”——“以地事秦,犹抱薪救火,薪不尽,火不灭”——“苟以天下之大,下而从六国破亡之故事,是又在六国下矣”——他借古讽今,劝宋朝抗敌。 【意象与手法】 史论立骨、设问破题:先斩钉截铁抛中心论点,再借「或曰」之问设难,自问自答,使论证严密;句式以四字短句为主(兵不利、战不善、力亏、独完),斩截有力,是北宋古文「简而有法」的典范 【情感与主旨】 借六国覆亡之史,痛陈「赂」之害,暗讽北宋以岁币银绢向辽、夏求和苟安的国策,寄寓自强御侮、以战求安的政治主张——爱国忧时之情,贯注于冷静的史论之中 【名句点睛】 「弊在赂秦」四字是全文之眼,一字立骨、一语破的,成为后世论割地求和之害的经典表述;「赂秦而力亏,破灭之道也」更是把「赂」与「亡」的因果关系钉死在逻辑链条之上
Background
Su Xun (1009-1066), courtesy name Mingyun, literary name Laoquan, was a native of Meishan in Meizhou (modern Meishan, Sichuan). With his sons Su Shi and Su Zhe he forms the 'Three Sus,' and all three are counted among the Eight Great Masters of Tang and Song prose. Idle until twenty-seven, he then shut himself in and studied the Strategies of the Warring States and the Records of the Grand Historian, emerging with a style of trenchant, forceful argument that contemporaries compared to the itinerant persuaders of the Warring States. In the Jiayou era (1056-1063) he took his sons to the capital, where Ouyang Xiu's admiration made their names famous overnight. 'On the Six States,' from his collection of political writings, was written against the reality of mid-Northern Song border policy: after the Chanyuan Covenant with the Liao (1004) the court paid annual tribute in silver and silk, and after the Qingli negotiations with the Western Xia it paid again in silver, silk and tea. Su Xun's essay is a surgical strike on precisely this policy of buying peace.
苏洵(1009—1066),字明允,号老泉,眉州眉山(今四川眉山)人,北宋著名散文家,与其子苏轼、苏辙并称「三苏」,同列「唐宋八大家」。苏洵少时游荡不学,年二十七始发愤读书,闭户苦读数载,遂精通《战国策》《史记》等史籍,尤长于策论,文风纵横捭阖、犀利雄辩,时人比之战国纵横家。宋仁宗嘉祐年间,苏洵携二子入京,得欧阳修激赏,文名大噪,有《嘉祐集》传世。《六国论》为其政论代表作,选自《权书》八篇,大约作于仁宗庆历至嘉祐年间。其创作背景是北宋中期边患日亟的现实:真宗朝与辽订「澶渊之盟」,岁输银十万两、绢二十万匹;仁宗庆历年间又与西夏议和,岁赐银、绢、茶合二十五万五千两匹。北宋以纳币输绢换取苟安,与六国「赂秦」的割地事秦如出一辙,苏洵深以为忧,遂借六国覆亡的史事,痛陈「赂」之必亡,以古讽今,告诫执政者勿以割地输币求一时之安,暗寓整军经武、自强自立之主张。此文一出,士林传诵,与贾谊《过秦论》、杜牧《阿房宫赋》并列为中国史上「以史为鉴」的政论名篇。
Art
The essay's art is the economy and ruthlessness of its logic. The very first sentence does three things at once: it negates two rival explanations ('not due to dull weapons or ill-fought battles'), asserts the true one ('the flaw lay in their bribing Qin'), and does both in the four-word rhythms of classical prose. The second sentence converts the thesis into mechanism — 'to bribe Qin drained their strength away' — a five-word causal chain that leaves no gap between act and consequence. Then comes the essay's real stroke of craft: the manufactured objection ('someone may object: the six states fell one after another — did they all bribe Qin?') followed by the reply that expands the thesis to cover the non-bribers too ('those that did not bribe Qin perished because of those that did'). By answering an objection before the reader has fully raised it, the essay makes itself feel unanswerable. The prose is deliberately short-winded: four-word phrases, decisive judgment-particles and question-particles, and a final sentence that circles back to the first.
本文是典型的史论体政论散文,其艺术核心在「立论斩截、驳难严密、句式铿锵」。结构上开门见山:首句「六国破灭,非兵不利,战不善,弊在赂秦」连用三个否定判断(非……不利、不……不善)先扫除歧见,再以「弊在赂秦」四字立起全文之纲,一言定鼎。次句「赂秦而力亏,破灭之道也」从正面申说,「力亏」与「破灭」构成因果链,把论点推进一层。第三层最见章法之妙:作者借「或曰」设问(六国互丧,率赂秦耶?)主动制造难题,随即自答「不赂者以赂者丧」,指出「互丧」之中尚有「不赂者」一层,使「弊在赂秦」的论断由「直接赂者」扩展到「间接受害者」——不赂之国因失强援(合纵)而「不能独完」,最终亦亡,论证遂无懈可击。这种「先立论、次正证、再设难、后自解」的层层逼进法,正是苏洵策论「简而有法」的体现。语言上以四字短句为主(兵不利、战不善、力亏、破灭、互丧、独完),偶以长句舒气(不赂者以赂者丧),急徐相间、节奏斩截;「或曰」「曰」「故曰」的问答结构,使议论如与人对辩,气盛言宜,是北宋古文运动「文以载道」精神的典范。
Allusions
The historical substance comes from the Records of the Grand Historian's accounts of the Warring States: Han, Wei and Chu were the great land-ceders, surrendering territory to buy truces, while Qi, Yan and Zhao fell without directly bribing — Qi for trusting Qin, Yan for the assassination attempt at the Yi River that provoked Qin's final campaigns, and Zhao for the execution of its great general Li Mu at Qin's instigation. 'Having lost their strong allies' points to the vertical alliance system of Su Qin and the horizontal alliance of Zhang Yi: the six states could only survive united. 'To bribe Qin drained their strength away' embodies the maxim of the Warring States Strategies that giving land to Qin is like feeding a fire with firewood — while the firewood lasts, the fire does not go out. The essay also stands in the lineage of Mencius's 'born in sorrow, died in ease' and of Jia Yi's judgment on Qin, part of the great tradition of taking antiquity as a mirror for present policy.
本篇虽以议论为主,其精神血脉却深植于战国史事与先秦典籍。六国赂秦的史实本于《史记》:韩、魏、楚三国首当其冲,割地事秦,秦军「南取汉中,西举巴蜀,东割膏腴之地」;而「不赂者以赂者丧」一句,正概括齐、赵、燕三国终因「失强援」而相继覆亡的过程——齐与秦连横而不助五国,燕使荆轲刺秦而招致大举,赵信谗诛李牧而良将尽去,皆是「不赂而亡」的注脚。文中「力亏」「强援」二语,暗含战国合纵连横的历史语境:「力亏」谓割地则力削、力削则愈畏秦,愈畏秦则愈割地,恶性循环;「强援」指合纵抗秦的联盟,正承苏秦合纵、张仪连横的旧事。其观念渊源可上溯《孟子》「生于忧患,死于安乐」的忧患意识与《战国策》「以地事秦,譬犹抱薪救火,薪不尽,火不灭」的著名比喻(此喻在《六国论》后文「抱薪救火」处化用)。文化内涵上,「赂」字所斥的,是割地求和、苟且偷安的民族劣性;「弊在赂秦」四字,实为中国士人「以史为鉴、居安思危」传统的一次爆发,与《过秦论》「仁义不施」、《阿房宫赋》「后人哀之而不鉴之」构成一条借古讽今的讽谏长河。
Commentary
'On the Six States' has been regarded since the Ming as the model of the historical-political essay. Mao Kun, in his Notes on the Prose of the Eight Great Masters, praised Su Xun's writing as 'like the Yangtze and the great river, vast and rolling' and this essay in particular for a layout 'now vertical, now changing.' Feng Chengsu of the Qing called it the standard of 'compact yet methodical.' In the history of ideas, its thesis — that buying peace with territory never buys peace — has been reactivated at every crisis of Chinese security from the Southern Song to the Opium War; Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao quoted it against the policy of ceding land and paying indemnities. In literary history it stands with Jia Yi's 'Faults of Qin' and Du Mu's 'Fu on the Epang Palace' as one of the three great 'mirror-of-history' essays — one blaming Qin's cruelty, one Qin's extravagance, one the six states' cowardice — and it is the most tightly argued of the three. It remains in school curricula today, and its four-word verdict on appeasement still functions as a mirror for every act of surrender.
《六国论》是中国古代史论散文的巅峰之作,历代评价极高。明代茅坤《唐宋八大家文钞》称苏洵之文「如长江大河,浑浩流转」,评《六国论》「一篇议论,由是纵横变化」,以为其布局之严、气势之盛为宋人策论之冠。清代古文家储欣、姚鼐等亦多选录此文,以为「简而有法」的范本。在思想史层面,此文把「赂」与「亡」的因果关系上升为治国规律——割地求安者终不能安,畏战避战者必遭战祸,这一判断在两宋积弱、明清海防、近代割地等历史时刻不断被重新激活;南宋朱熹引为「六国以赂秦而亡」的定论,近代列强环伺之时,康有为、梁启超等更以此文鼓励国人勿以割地议和求苟安,可见其超越时代的警示力量。文学史上,此文与《过秦论》《阿房宫赋》并称「鉴史三文」:一篇责秦之暴、一篇叹秦之奢、一篇责六国之怯,三足鼎立,而苏洵此文最以逻辑严密、语气斩截见长,是宋代古文「尚理」风格的标本。今日中学教材仍选录此文,其「弊在赂秦」之论,依然是审视一切投降主义与绥靖政策的一面古镜。
Prosody
Line by line
六国破灭,非兵不利,战不善,弊在赂秦。
The ruin of the six states was not due to dull weapons or ill-fought battles; the flaw lay in their bribing Qin.
六国的灭亡,并不是因为武器不锋利、仗打得不好,弊病在于拿土地去贿赂秦国。
The six states' ruin — not that their weapons were blunt, not that they fought badly; the fault lay in bribing Qin.
开篇四句,是全段也是全文的中心论点,立论方式极为讲究。作者不先摆史实,而是先扫除两种流行的歧见——「非兵不利,战不善」,用两个否定判断把兵与战都排除在外,把矛盾集中到一点:「弊在赂秦」。这种「欲立先破」的手法,使论点一出即无可闪避。「弊」字用得极准:不是「罪」、不是「过」,而是「弊病」,暗示这是一种慢性的、自伤自溃的积弊,为下文「力亏」「不能独完」的层层推理伏线。句式上四字一顿、一气三折,「破灭—不利—不善—赂秦」四组短音,如连珠炮发,斩截有力。更重要的是,「弊在赂秦」四字不止针对六国,更是一把指向当世执政者的手术刀——北宋岁输币帛、割地求和,正是当世的「赂秦」,故首句立论,已暗藏借古讽今的锋芒,是全文纲举目张之所在。
The opening four lines are the central thesis of the whole passage and the whole essay, the manner of the argument most deliberate. The author does not first set out the facts, but first sweeps away two prevalent errors — not that their weapons were blunt, not that they fought badly, using the two negative judgments to set the weapons and the fighting aside, concentrating the contradiction on one point: the fault lay in bribing Qin. This method of establishing by first sweeping away makes the thesis unanswerable once uttered. The word fault used with precision: not crime, not error, but the chronic ailment, hinting a chronic, self-wounding weakness, storing ground for the below strength drained and cannot stand alone. In sentence form, four characters a beat, three turns in one breath, ruin—blunt—bad—bribing, four short syllable groups, like a volley, decisive. More importantly, the four characters the fault lay in bribing Qin are aimed not only at the six states, but at a scalpel for the present rulers — the Northern Song's annual tribute of silk and ceding of land for peace, precisely the present bribing of Qin; hence the opening thesis already hides the edge of mocking the present through the ancient, the place where the whole essay's outline is raised.
赂秦而力亏,破灭之道也。
To bribe Qin drained their strength away — that is the road to destruction.
贿赂秦国,自己的实力就亏损,这正是走向灭亡的道路。
Bribing Qin, and strength drained — that is the road to ruin.
此句紧承论点,从正面申说「赂」与「亡」的因果关系,是论证的第一层推进。「赂秦而力亏」五字,以「而」字连接「赂」与「力亏」两个动作,揭示出一个残酷的逻辑:土地是有限的,秦国的贪欲是无限的,割地则力削,力削则愈畏秦,愈畏秦则愈割地——这是一个自我加速的死亡螺旋。苏洵不用繁复的比喻,只用「力亏」二字点破国力此消彼长的实情,冷静得近乎残酷。「破灭之道也」以判断句收束,语气确凿如断案:「道也」不是「原因之一」,而是唯一的、必然的道路。这句的深意在于它把「赂」从道德问题上升为生存问题——贿赂不是权宜之计,而是自杀行为。后世读史者凡论割地求安者,无不引此二句为铁案,正因它在十一个字里完成了因果的锁闭,言简而意赅,是苏洵策论「简而有法」的绝佳例证。
This line follows the thesis, arguing the cause-and-effect of the bribe and the ruin from the positive side, the first advance of the proof. The five characters bribing Qin, and strength drained join the two actions of bribing and strength-drained with the word and, revealing a cruel logic: the land is limited, Qin's greed infinite, cede the land and the strength wanes, the strength wanes and the more the fear of Qin, the more the fear the more the ceding — a self-accelerating death spiral. Su Xun uses no intricate metaphor, only the two words strength drained to break through the truth of the national strength's waxing and waning, calm almost to cruelty. That is the road to ruin closes in the judgment sentence, the tone definitive as a verdict: road not one of the causes, but the only, the necessary road. The line's deep meaning lies in raising the bribe from a moral question to a survival question — the bribe not the temporary expedient, but suicide. Later historians writing on ceding land for peace all cite these two lines as the iron case, precisely because in eleven characters it completes the causal lock, the words brief and the meaning rich, the perfect example of Su Xun's policy essay's brevity with method.
或曰:六国互丧,率赂秦耶?
Someone may object: the six states fell one after another — did they all bribe Qin?
有人说:六国一个接一个地灭亡,全都是因为贿赂秦国吗?
Someone asks: the six states perished one after another; was it all because of bribing Qin?
这是全文最见章法功力的一笔:作者主动替论敌设问,把论证推向更深的层次。「或曰」即有人质疑——六国之中,赂秦者只有韩、魏、楚等国,齐、燕、赵未必赂秦,为何也相继灭亡?「互丧」二字点出六国是「一个接一个」地全部灭亡,无一幸免;「率赂秦耶」的反问,正是抓住「不赂者亦亡」这一表面矛盾,向「弊在赂秦」的论点发起挑战。这种「自设难题、自求解脱」的手法,是古代论说文「驳难」传统的活用:与其让读者在心中存疑,不如主动把疑点摆上桌面,再一举破解,反而使论证显得无可辩驳。从行文节奏看,前两句立论如急风骤雨,此句一问如中途一挫,顿挫之间文章生波折、起波澜,避免了平铺直叙的板滞。一问一答之间,读者的注意力被牢牢攥住,正是苏洵「纵横开阖」文风的体现。
This is the passage's most crafty stroke: the author voluntarily sets the question for the opponent, pushing the proof to the deeper layer. Someone asks means a challenge arises — among the six states, the bribers only Han, Wei, Chu, and Qi, Yan, Zhao not necessarily bribing Qin, why did they also perish in turn? The two words perished one after another point out that the six states all perished one by one, none spared; the rhetorical was it all because of bribing Qin? precisely seizing the surface contradiction of the non-bribers also perishing, challenging the thesis the fault lay in bribing Qin. This method of self-setting the hard problem and self-solving it is the living use of the ancient essay's refutation tradition: rather than let the reader harbor the doubt in the mind, place the doubt on the table first, then break it at one stroke, making the proof the more unanswerable. In the prose rhythm, the first two lines establish the argument like the sudden storm, this one question like the mid-course pause, and between the pause and the turning the essay rises in waves, avoiding the flat narrative's stiffness. Between the question and the answer, the reader's attention is gripped, precisely the showing of Su Xun's expansive style.
曰:不赂者以赂者丧。盖失强援,不能独完。故曰弊在赂秦也。
The answer is: those that did not bribe Qin perished because of those that did. For, having lost their strong allies, they could not survive on their own. Hence I say: the flaw lay in their bribing Qin.
回答说:不贿赂的国家,是因为贿赂的国家而灭亡的。(它们)失去了强大的外援,就不能独自保全。所以说,弊病在于贿赂秦国。
The answer: those who did not bribe perished because of those who did. For, losing strong support, they could not stand alone. Hence the fault lay in bribing Qin.
此段自问自答,是论证的收束与升华,把「弊在赂秦」推向更完备的形态。「不赂者以赂者丧」是全文的枢纽句:它承认不赂之国并未直接割地,却指出它们因赂者之丧而丧——齐、赵、燕失去合纵的强援,孤军面对强秦,最终亦不能免。「盖失强援,不能独完」以「盖」字推究原因,「失强援」三字点破六国败亡的关键不在兵而在于散——六国本可合纵抗秦,却各怀私心、互相坐视,遂被秦国各个击破;「不能独完」的「独」字,正见孤立无援之致命。「故曰弊在赂秦也」回扣首句论点,首尾呼应,如环之无端。至此,论点由「直接赂者」扩展为「间接赂者」(失援即间接之赂),由「割地」扩展为「弃和」,覆盖面更广而逻辑更严。苏洵层层逼进、自设自解,把一个看似简单的论点论证得密不透风,这正是其策论高出流辈之处。
This section's self-question and self-answer are the gathering and elevation of the proof, pushing the fault-lay-in-bribing-Qin to the more complete form. Those who did not bribe perished because of those who did is the passage's hinge sentence: it grants that the non-bribing states did not directly cede land, and yet points out they perished because of the bribers' ruin — Qi, Zhao, Yan losing the vertical alliance's strong support, the lone army facing the strong Qin, and in the end not spared. For, losing strong support, they could not stand alone uses the word for to trace the cause, the three words losing strong support breaking through that the six states' defeat lay not in the army but in the scattering — the six states might have allied against Qin, and yet each harbored its private heart, watching the others fall, hence destroyed one by one by Qin; the one word alone in cannot stand alone shows the fatalness of the isolation. Hence the fault lay in bribing Qin answers the opening thesis, the head and tail answering, like the ring without end. Here, the thesis expands from the direct bribers to the indirect bribers (losing support is the indirect bribe), from the ceding of land to the abandonment of alliance, the coverage broader and the logic stricter. Su Xun advancing layer on layer, self-setting and self-solving, proving a seemingly simple thesis airtight, precisely where his policy essay surpasses his contemporaries.
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Compare this related work with the poem above through theme, imagery, tone, and emotional movement.
贾谊《过秦论》论秦之过在「仁义不施而攻守之势异也」,苏洵《六国论》论六国之弊在「弊在赂秦」,一责秦之暴,一责六国之怯,恰好构成战国末期「攻」与「守」两面的完整教训。写法上,《过秦论》铺排渲染、气势磅礴,以「席卷天下,包举宇内」的排比写秦之强,再以「一夫作难而七庙隳」的陡转写秦之亡,是赋化政论的典范;《六国论》则斩截犀利,以「非兵不利,战不善,弊在赂秦」的否定判断直接立论,以设问驳难层层推进,是古文策论的标本。两文相隔约四百年,皆借战国史事针砭当世(贾谊诫汉初之暴政,苏洵讽北宋之求和),同为中国史论「以史为鉴」传统的不朽双璧,合读则战国兴亡之全局尽收眼底。
阿房宫赋 Fu on the Epang Palace 杜牧 · 同以六国与秦的覆亡讽喻当世之政 Related readingCompare this related work with the poem above through theme, imagery, tone, and emotional movement.
杜牧《阿房宫赋》言「秦人不暇自哀,而后人哀之;后人哀之而不鉴之,亦使后人而复哀后人也」,与苏洵「弊在赂秦」之论同属借古讽今的史鉴传统,皆以战国秦汉之兴亡为当世敲响警钟。文体上,杜牧以赋体写之,骈散相间、铺张扬厉,「六王毕,四海一」「廊腰缦回,檐牙高啄」的排比对偶,想象瑰奇、色彩浓烈;苏洵以散体论之,不事藻饰,「非兵不利,战不善」「盖失强援,不能独完」的短句直逼要害。一文一赋、一骈一散,一以辞采动人心魄,一以逻辑令人折服,而皆把「鉴亡」之旨落实到当世——杜牧哀秦之奢以警晚唐,苏洵哀六国之赂以警北宋,正是唐宋两代「鉴史文章」各擅胜场的双璧。